Introduction
The Kurds today, numbering at least 26 million, struggle to obtain political recognition and rights as national communities within the state boundaries in which they find themselves. They form the largest ethnic community in the Middle East without a state of its own. Kurds have been far less fortunate than other ethnic communities in the region. It is worth considering briefly why this should be so.
Ethnic nationalism is a product of nineteenth century European thought and was quite alien to traditional Middle Eastern society; the latter was based upon religious identity and loyalty to the sultan (Ottoman Turkey) or shah (Iran). However, the political and economic might of Europe made the rapid spread of such ideas almost inevitable. The most responsive communities were the Christians and Jews, who already had religious connections that made European values attractive. Muslims took longer. The other responsive category was the body of city-based intellectuals who recognized the comparative weakness of Middle Eastern polities, and the lack of intellectual enquiry. This latter group already had a literature of its own, notably the Arabs (in Beirut, Cairo and Damascus) and Ottoman Turks in Istanbul. These intellectuals began to look at themselves in a new light, along the lines of ethnicity rather than religion.
By the time of the break-up of the Ottoman Empire many of these intellectuals had established nationalist movements able to take advantage of the creation of modern states, mainly under European tutelage. The Kurds were the most notable omission. Why did they fail? It is natural that Kurds should blame the Great Powers and oppressive states in the region for this failure, and certainly all of them must carry some blame that the Kurdish question remains outstanding. But it is also true that at this vital juncture, when the opportunity for state creation existed, Kurdish society was wholly unready to seize it. It was rural, highly decentralized, largely tribal and without the urban intellectual leadership enjoyed by the Arabs and the Turks. The creation of a coherent and cohesive ethnic movement was to be the task of at least a generation.
Coherent national movements with reasonably welldefined objectives have emerged in Iran, Iraq and Turkey, but their progress has been slow and painful. Rivalry between one tribe and another, between left and right, between rural and urban Kurds, between Sunni and non-Sunni, between one party and another, and between one region and another, have all militated against a successful outcome to the Kurdish struggle. Moreover, governments and neighbouring states have been adept at coopting one element against another, thus retarding national formation.
The purpose of this report is to explore the issues that affect the identity and political progress of Kurds, and to trace their experience since the break-up of the Ottoman and Qajar empires, to look at their position in the countries in which they live, and to pinpoint some of the factors which currently motivate and impede Kurdish nationalism. Finally, a tentative attempt is made to look at the prospects for the Kurdish people...
The Kurdish question has become increasingly prominent in recent years. This marks a significant change since MRG began publishing on the Kurds in 1975. In Turkey and Iraq, which together account for 18 million out of an estimated 26 million Kurds today, the Kurdish issue has become central to the integrity of both states. Significant Kurdish populations are also found in Iran, Syria, the former Soviet Union and Europe. As this report details, nowhere are Kurdish human rights fully respected.
The Kurds are now at a critical juncture in their history. It is for this reason that MRG has commissioned this new edition. We hope that this report will be a clear source of information which will raise the profile of Kurdish issues and act as a resource for those organizations and institutions working on Kurdistan. The Kurds are the largest ethnic minority in the Middle East and their treatment by the governments of the region defies internationally-agreed human rights standards. The report has been written by David McDowall, who is a well-known authority on the Kurds. His previous reports for MRG on the Kurds have been extensively used by national and international courts considering Kurdish human rights and individual cases.
As this new report makes clear, Turkey continues to flout international laws in its treatment of the Kurds yet is gaining increasing influence in the region with support from the United States (US) government. Having been granted membership of the European Union’s (EU) customs unon in January 1996, Turkey is seeking full membership of the EU despite its appalling human rights record. Between 2,500 and 3,000 villages have been destroyed in south-east Turkey since 1985 and an estimated 2 million people have had to flee their homes and settle in the shanty towns in Diyarbakir, Istanbul and the western coast.
Since 1992 when MRG last published on the Kurdish question, there has been a wealth of fresh information published on the Kurds which is included in this new edition. Increasingly, human rights organizations have been granted easier access to Kurdish regions since the establishment of the ‘safe haven’ for the Kurds in northern Iraq. Within the former Soviet Union, new material on the Kurds has also been forthcoming .
With a population of approximately 26 million, it might be argued that the Kurdish people have the right to selfdetermination in a state of their own. In theory such a right can hardly be denied. On a pragmatic level, however, it is highly unlikely that the United Nations (UN), or the states in which the Kurds live, would consider this option. They would argue that the potential for continuing instability would be considerable, both for geographic and political reasons...
Alan Phillips Director November 1996 |